(Efforts to deny voting rights and suppress voter turnout continue today, in less overt forms but with the same ill intent.) When marginalized groups finally gained access to the ballot, it took time for them to organize around opposition to the specific forms of discrimination and mistreatment that continued to plague them—and longer still for political parties and candidates to respond to such activism. electorate has become younger and more ethnically diverse.
(Efforts to deny voting rights and suppress voter turnout continue today, in less overt forms but with the same ill intent.) When marginalized groups finally gained access to the ballot, it took time for them to organize around opposition to the specific forms of discrimination and mistreatment that continued to plague them—and longer still for political parties and candidates to respond to such activism. electorate has become younger and more ethnically diverse.In recent decades, however, rapid demographic and technological changes have accelerated this process, bolstering demands for inclusion and raising expectations in communities that had long been conditioned to accept a slow pace of change. Meanwhile, social media has changed the political landscape. The authors ask why some politicians chose to base their campaigns and policies on ethnic identities, and what the consequences are of deciding to do so.Tags: Essay Daily Routine Student15000 Word EssayHow To Assign Static Ip AddressLaw School AssignmentsResearch Paper On AlcoholismSpanish Coursework ResourcesWhat Is An Operational Definition In A Research PaperBpo Research PaperIn Text Dissertation Citation ApaEssay For Science And Technology For Sustainable Development
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Furthermore, long-term factors contribute to the politicization, but in the short term political entrepreneurs can exploit ethnicity to mobilize populations.
They argue that “politicization is a relational, dynamic process in which structure and agency intertwine” (Weber, Hiers, and Flesken, 2).
Teachers organized into the Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE, National Council of Education Workers) merged forces with the Consejo Indígena Popular de Oaxaca “Ricardo Flores Magón” (CIPO-RFM, Popular Indigenous Council of Oaxaca “Ricardo Flores Magón”) and other social organizations to create the Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de Oaxaca (APPO, Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca).
The impetus for the book emerges out of the 2006 popular protests against governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz’s government.
These changes have encouraged activists and political challengers to make demands with a high level of specificity—to take the identities that dominant groups have used to oppress them and convert them into tools of democratic justice.
Critics of this phenomenon, including Francis Fukuyama (“Against Identity Politics,” September/October 2018), condemn it as the practice of “identity politics.” But Fukuyama’s criticism relies on a number of misjudgments.
Few scholars are better qualified than is Stephen to write about the arc of social protest that led to the formation of APPO, and its eventual unraveling.
For a time, those protests captured the attention of activists and scholars alike.