Pro War Iraq Essay

Pro War Iraq Essay-32
However, the two seemingly parted ways as Reagan shifted towards ‘détente’ upon the arrival of the reformist Mikhail Gorbachev.Similarly, Bush Senior rejected neoconservative calls for the removal of Saddam Hussein after the first Gulf War, and open letters written by PNAC to Bill Clinton calling for the removal of “Saddam Hussein and his regime from power” (PNAC, 1998) were shunned.Connections with the neoconservative ideology and the Bush doctrine are clear to see, so much so that Krauthammer (2005) described the doctrine as “a synonym for neoconservative foreign policy” (p.22).

However, the two seemingly parted ways as Reagan shifted towards ‘détente’ upon the arrival of the reformist Mikhail Gorbachev.Similarly, Bush Senior rejected neoconservative calls for the removal of Saddam Hussein after the first Gulf War, and open letters written by PNAC to Bill Clinton calling for the removal of “Saddam Hussein and his regime from power” (PNAC, 1998) were shunned.Connections with the neoconservative ideology and the Bush doctrine are clear to see, so much so that Krauthammer (2005) described the doctrine as “a synonym for neoconservative foreign policy” (p.22).

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Neoconservatism Neoconservatives promoted an activist foreign policy, based on ideological grounds, supported by global military dominance.

They believed in American exceptionalism – that America’s unique ideological commitment to democracy, liberty and free enterprise which are “universally embraced” (PNAC, 2000, p.4), offered a blueprint for societies around the world, and contended that backed by the US’ hegemonic power position, the US had the opportunity and responsibility to further these ideals.

Neoconservatives were recruited into the government in droves, as Bush surrounded himself with numerous signatories to the 1998 PNAC letter to Clinton, and their 1997 Statement of Principles, including Donald Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney and Paul Wolfowitz.

Leading neoconservatives now had prominent foreign policy positions, and their unilateralist influence began to reveal itself as the administration “refused to be a party to the Kyoto Protocol and the International Criminal Court” and “decided to move ahead with the National Missile Defense Program ignoring vigorous domestic and international opposition” (Nuruzzaman, 2006, p.245).

This rhetoric, combined with (now dubious) intelligence evidence of Iraq’s WMD development allowed the Bush administration to present the Iraqi regime as part of an “imminent, multifaceted, undeterrable and potentially calamitous threat to the US” (Record, 2003, p.6), requiring an unprecedented response.

Key to this response would be the first of four clear neoconservative principles providing the foundations for the Bush doctrine: a policy of pre-emption.

These in turn would safeguard America’s national interest.

The global hegemony that the US could operate would be a benevolent one, with prominent neoconservative, and future Senior Director on Bush Jnr’s NSC, Elliott Abrams describing the US as consistently “the greatest force for good among the nations of the Earth” (2000).

However, it was the 9/11 attacks that “immediately opened the door to a full-fledged neoconservative foreign policy” (Davidson, 2009, p.68).

The events of 9/11 confirmed “the base notions held by neoconservatives within the Administration…of a vast and growing danger” that was “represented by global terrorism and autocratic dictatorships” (Smilie, 2012, p.4).

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